Sometimes in politics important statements can get lost in the wash.
The intensity of the 24-hour news cycle means media websites are constantly looking for click-bait opportunities on which to hang their stories.
The real significance of an MP’s words can be brushed aside.
This is what happened to Labor’s Anthony Albanese after the May budget.
He gave a thoughtful speech in Fremantle declaring that the Turnbull Government had delivered a “budget of ideological surrender”, embracing “Labor values”.
Albanese depicted the government’s tax-and-spend policies for Medicare, schools funding, the NDIS and infrastructure as “an overwhelming victory for the ALP and the broader labour movement”.
But how was this reported?
It was written up as a split between Albo and Bill Shorten.
Whereas Shorten had been trying to nitpick faults in the budget, Albanese declared victory for the Left.
Australia had become a one-party state, with the Liberals capitulating to Labor’s agenda.
Debt and deficit were here to stay.
Welfare state spending would never be brought under control.
This was the true significance of Albanese’s speech.
In a moment of frankness, he told us everything we needed to know about Malcolm Turnbull.
The Prime Minister is not a conservative or even a centrist.
He’s of the Left. And always has been.
Albanese is in a good position to judge.
As the leader of Labor’s Socialist Left faction, his politics are extreme.
At the “Challenging the United States Empire” conference in Sydney in August 2003, Albo praised the Communist Party for its “progressive role” in Australian public life.
He spoke of the Labor Party as “an electoral vehicle” for socialist policies, on an equal footing with the Greens.
When someone like this embraces Turnbull as a political soul mate, the Liberal Party is in deep trouble.
It is experiencing an identity crisis, with most voters struggling to work out what it believes in.
This is not the party of John Howard or Tony Abbott, steeped in conservative values.
Under Turnbull’s leadership it practices tax-and-spend economics, welfare state expansion, positive discrimination programs and the new Left-wing religion of renewable energy.
Just as Labor has become a lite-Green party, the Liberals are now Labor-lite.
Electorally, this is a losing strategy.
It cedes ground to the Liberal Democrats, Pauline Hanson’s One Nation and Cory Bernardi’s Conservative Party.
If people wanted to vote for a cheap-jack Labor imitation, they would go for the real thing and make Shorten prime minister.
In last year’s election, the further one moved away from the centre of our major cities, the more the Liberal Party vote fell away.
In outer-suburban and regional electorates, Turnbull’s agenda is poison.
How has this happened?
How did the Liberals lose their ideological ballast, to the point where Albanese is willing to rubber stamp their policies?
The problem is not just Turnbull.
The Federal Government is dominated by inner-city Liberal elites.
Even though only 31 percent of Liberal MPs come from inner-metropolitan seats (as categorised by the AEC), they occupy 76 percent of Liberal Cabinet spots.
Outer-suburban and regional Liberals (62 percent of the party room) are hopelessly under-represented (with just 18 percent of Cabinet).
The result is a Left-leaning administration, where the likes of Julie Bishop, Christopher Pyne and Simon Birmingham embrace identity politics and PC-social engineering, no less than Labor.
In public life today, any outfit that’s dominated by inner-city personnel is bound to fit the Leftist mould.
It’s the nation’s dominant cultural fad, guaranteeing future university and ABC employment, placement in corporate diversity units and a swath of fashionable dinner party invitations.
The Liberal Party is no exception.
It has betrayed the interests of suburban and regional outsiders.
Internationally, this is not uncommon.
Parties notionally from the Right are struggling to clearly define their role and identity.
In the United States, Donald Trump swept aside traditional conservatives like Jeb Bush and Marco Rubio to claim the Republican Party’s presidential nomination.
Ever since, Congressional Republicans have been a rabble, a divided and incoherent legislative mess.
Last month in Britain, Theresa May campaigned as a jittery, indecisive conservative and almost lost to the unelectable Labour socialist Jeremy Corbyn.
In France, the rise of Emmanuel Macron, campaigning as a political outsider, has reduced the once-dominant Republican Party to less than one-fifth of seats in the national parliament.
In Canada, the Conservative Party has just sorted out a new leader, 20 months after its crushing election defeat by Justin Trudeau.
Steadily over the past decade, the Left has captured most of society’s public institutions and, in any case, a growing number of voters see themselves as institution-free.
Conservatives are at a loss to know which institutions they now need to conserve.
The politics of the Right is in disarray.
Turnbull’s response has been to send the Liberal Party Leftwards.
But this is not an answer.
It abandons the Liberal base, gutting the party’s heart and soul.
To give one example: this Thursday night Ross Cameron and I are guest speakers at the Liberals’ Bellevue Hill Branch, at a special event at Woollahra Golf Club.
This is part of an open revolt against Turnbull in his own backyard, in his electorate of Wentworth.
If Liberal Party branch members won’t back him, how can he regain the confidence of the Australian people?
As amazing as it seems, Turnbull is getting more support from Albo than his own rank-and-file.
This article was originally published by The Daily Telegraph. Read the original article here